The rally began around 3 p.m. to coincide with SCAI’s preliminary conference with the student charged. The rally was opened with an introduction explaining the charges alleged against Chris Gibson. Gibson is currently facing a felony and misdemeanor charge for protesting against the Israeli genocide in Palestine this October at Orlando City Hall. Orange County is alleging one count of resisting arrest without violence and one count of battery on an officer.

UCF’s Office of Student Conduct & Academic Integrity then proceeded to allege student conduct charges against Chris Gibson even though his original charges are still not filed, the event was off UCF campus, and no UCF staff or faculty were involved with the event. Chris Gibson has two conduct charges: “3(g) Disruptive Conduct” and “4(a) Harmful Behavior.”

Nova Patterson, a lead organizer with the UCF Divestment Coalition, was the first to speak, “We are here to show that we know what is going on and we are not going to let it slide. We are not going to allow UCF to just slap conduct charges against students just for protesting against genocide. Shame on UCF!”

The preliminary conference itself consisted of the charged student meeting with their case worker to discuss what the university is alleging against the student. Gibson reported that, due to the severe nature of the allegations, SCAI has decided to skip the informal hearing and move forward with a formal hearing scheduled for Tuesday, November 26 at 1 p.m. Because of SCAI’s decision to skip the informal hearing, as of now Chris Gibson is set to face a panel of faculty and students (chosen by SCAI) without knowing what the potential sanctions are.

Patterson went on to discuss recent anti-protesting amendments that were passed unanimously by UCF’s board of trustees, such as banning the use of face masks at rallies, requiring registration if there is a possibility that an event will have 50 or more participants, and banning the posting of flyers to light posts and university property, to name a few. “No matter what, this is a public campus. We are going to continue showing up!”

These conduct charges come at a time when the UCF police department has surveilled pro-Palestine students painting banners in a public area on campus, interrogated students studying in the library over the banner making and trespassing a Palestinian graduate student for attending anti-genocide rallies.

Theodore Crouch spoke on behalf of UCF Young Democratic Socialists of America. “The university cannot continue to be hostile to anti-apartheid protesters. We are the students, we fund this university, and we make it what it is. Putting us in jail is not the solution. All the charges against Chris Gibson must be dropped.”

Despite the rain, UCF Students for a Democratic Society, Divestment Coalition, and Young Democratic Socialists of America led a successful rally to build pressure against administration and show the Office of Student Conduct & Academic Integrity that Chris Gibson has the support of students.

The student protesters led several chants outside of Ferrell Commons and as they marched back to Reflection Pond. Some chants included: “Hands off the student movement,” “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free” and “Drop the charges!”

The rally was closed out by Vanessa Christaldi, a lead organizer with UCF Students for a Democratic Society. “We are here to let administration know that they cannot silence the voices of students, that we are aware of the tactics they use, and that we as student protesters will not sit silently as they try to isolate and intimidate us.”

#OrlandoFL #ChrisGibson #repression #UCF #SDS #Palestine

On October 7, Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) at Wayne State University joined the National SDS Student Walkout to remember one year of genocide, resistance, and student struggle against our administrations all over the country. We hoped to be able to protest without the threats of repression and violence by the Wayne State Police Department (WSU PD). However, this was not the case. 

At 2 p.m., we marched from Gullen Mall to the Admin Building without using amplified sound. Within minutes of standing outside, we were surrounded by WSU PD. Officer Daniel Williams approached one SDS member, telling them to immediately disperse. When asked why, he cited a new, anti-democratic policy, claiming, “protests must be registered with the school.” This is a policy SDS was never informed of at our prior two protests. Furthermore, the policy cited is difficult to locate on the Wayne State website, nor are all its stipulations localized. Specifically, the policies regarding the use of amplified sound and what activities do or do not require a reservation are inaccessible, contradictory, and confusing. The unpredictable enforcement of these policies violates students’ rights to know the rules by which they are governed. These rights have been in place since 1967, meaning Wayne State administration is violating some of its oldest principles. 

More than violating our rights as students, Wayne State Administration and WSU PD denied our constitutional right to assembly and speech under threat of violence. After informing us of the policy, Officer Williams threatened our members, saying to one, “This is your first warning to disperse or leave campus, I’ll give you a second warning, and if I have to give you a third, I’ll use force.” These threats are unacceptable, but they are shamefully common. Over the past year, Wayne State Police have met students with immense violence, which has been left unchecked by the administration. This is shameful, seeing as Wayne State is a public university that claims to support freedom of speech. Instead of uplifting student voices, they resort to police intimidation and unconstitutional policies to silence us. 

SDS stands proud in the history of the student movement. We draw inspiration from the Chicano, Black, and Asian student walkouts in 1968, the student strikes of 1969, the historic struggle against the war in Vietnam, and the struggle against South African apartheid. Like the students in those times, we also stand in solidarity with the national liberation movements taking on the U.S. empire. New SDS was founded in the wake of the U.S. invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan and since then, SDS has never shied away from standing up to the U.S. war machine. It is our duty to resist from within the belly of the beast.

 The Wayne State PD and Admin want to intimidate us and stop us from continuing our struggle for Wayne State to Cut the Ties with the IOF, but instead, they have hardened our resolve. We must continue fighting for change on campus. Because of the repression experienced on Monday, we issue the following demands to counteract threats of brutalization from WSU PD:

A. An end to the policy requiring registered protests, which undermines the spirit of freedom of speech and right to protest.

B. End the threats of brutalization from police by designating a staff of trained, unarmed, non-PD admin liaisons to communicate with student protesters rather than police. 

C. Issuing a resolution enshrining the right to student led protests on campus without restriction.

D. And once again: Cut the Ties Between the “israeli” Occupation Forces and the WSUPD

As we represent the one year of struggle against the ongoing genocide, Wayne State University students stand together to demand justice. We will not allow WSU PD or any other institution to silence us. Our fight for justice continues, and we will remain united against oppression.

#DetroitMI #WayneState #WSUPD #WSUSDS #WSU #SDS #SDSWSU #Divest #BDS #FreePalestine #StudentIntifada #PoliticalRepression #Repression #StudentMovement

Minneapolis, MN – On April 18, the Department of Justice announced new indictments and arrest warrants for the leadership of the African Peoples Socialist Party (APSP) and the Uhuru movement. The Department has alleged that Omali Yeshitela, Jesse Nevel and Penny Hess conspired to act as unregistered foreign agents, in violation of the 18 U.S.C. § 951 – a statute related to the little known Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA).

FARA is a piece of federal law that dates back to 1938, and specifically to Special Committee on Un-American Activities, the precursor of the now-infamous House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC). The Special Committee was initially created to combat nazi influence during World War II, but also set its sights on domestic communist movements. In the 1940s and 50s, HUAC provided the platform for Senator Joseph McCarthy’s Red Scare interrogations of suspected leftists and progressives across the country.

In short, FARA applies to “foreign agents,” which it defines as anyone who engages in political activity or gathers funds or valuable goods upon the request or order of, or under the direction or control of, a “foreign principal.” A foreign principal is defined to include any foreign government or political party, or any person based outside of the United States. FARA also applies to anyone who engages in political activity in the interest of a person or organization which is substantially funded or directed by a foreign principal or collects things of value for the foreign principal.

Anyone covered by FARA is required to register as a foreign agent with the U.S. attorney general. Furthermore, all foreign agents are required to post a “conspicuous” statement on any communication intended for an audience of more than two people. The conspicuous statement must state that the information is being distributed in the interest of the foreign principal. Anyone covered by FARA who fails to register with the U.S. attorney general faces a criminal penalty of up to five years imprisonment, plus a fine of $10,000.

The specific statute invoked against the APSP defendants, 18 U.S.C. § 951, is slightly narrower, and requires the government to prove that the defendant “agree[d] to operate within the United States subject to the direction or control of a foreign government or official.” A violation of 18 U.S.C. § 951 carries a penalty of up to ten years in prison.

Because FARA is such an incredibly broad statute, and foreign agent allegations are so politically charged, they provide the United States government with a very powerful weapon that it has consistently used to criminalize and chill domestic anti-war and progressive organizing. The fact that it is unclear what constitutes a “request” from a foreign principal or intermediary adds to the dangerousness of FARA. Since its enactment in 1938, FARA has been deployed to silence, burden and criminalize international solidarity.

In 1951, FARA was used against W.E.B. Du Bois, when he was accused of being an agent of the Soviet Union because he had distributed copies of the Stockholm Appeal, which urged the public to support a ban on nuclear weapons. FARA has also been used to repress international solidarity organizations, including the Irish Northern Aid Committee, the Palestine Information Office, and the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES).

FARA was also invoked against one of the co-founders of the National Lawyers Guild, Victor Rabinowitz, because his law firm had been retained as legal counsel by the Republic of Cuba. More recently, FARA has also been used against environmental organizations and advocacy groups, in particular Earthjustice and the Natural Resources Defense Council, both of which are 501©(3) non-profit organizations.

In the case of the African Peoples Socialist Party, the specific conduct that the APSP members are alleged to have engaged in does not include any acts of violence, election fraud, espionage, nor any other threat to public safety. In fact, the Department of Justice has not even alleged that the APSP members interacted directly with the Russian government, but rather that they received alleged requests and donations from an intermediary, Aleksandr Ionov, and his organization called the Anti-Globalization Movement in Russia.

The indictment accuses the APSP members of doing the following: accepting an invitation for an all-expenses paid trip to an international conference in Moscow, circulating a petition regarding the genocide of Africans in the United States after being encouraged to do so by Ionov, accepting funding for a four-city speaking tour to discuss the petition, allowing Ionov to speak at an event, and publishing articles as well as speaking out on topics suggested by Ionov, in support of the Russian government.

These charges also come in the context of broader efforts on the part of the U.S. government to stoke fears that China and Russia are attempting to influence domestic politics. For months, the Department of Justice has pushed for increasingly belligerent policies, targeting people who oppose the State Department’s aggression towards those countries.

On Monday, April 17, the day immediately before the APSP indictments, Deputy Attorney General Lisa Monaco met with Ukrainian Prosecutor General Andriy Kostin, and publicly vowed to “dedicate more resources to ensuring accountability and to combating those that facilitate the Russian war machine.” In the week after these remarks, not only were the APSP members formally indicted, but the Department of Justice issued multiple additional indictments of people accused of violating Russia-Ukraine sanctions.

Meanwhile, the Department of Justice’s consistent anti-China rhetoric also came to a head last week. The government arrested two men in New York City who allegedly ran an oversea police station for the Chinese government to “intimidate dissidents” and indicted over 40 people located within China itself, using the same regurgitated rhetoric of fake social media accounts which the U.S. invoked against Russia in 2016.

But as with the indictment of the APSP leadership, in all cases, the U.S. hides behind wild accusations of foreign influence and state repression in order to misdirect attention away from political repression right here at home. Progressive forces should unite in demanding that the federal government cease its targeting of Black organizers and stop using baseless “foreign agent” accusations to undermine international solidarity.

#MinneapolisMN #Repression #PoliticalRepression

Tampa, FL – On Thursday, March 9, students, and community members gathered for a press conference to demand justice for the four protesters who were brutalized and arrested at the University of South Florida (USF) on Monday, March 6. The press conference was hosted by Tampa Bay Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and consisted of statements of solidarity from numerous organizations at USF and across the Tampa Bay community.

On March 6, Tampa Bay SDS hosted a march to demand a meeting with USF President Rhea Law to demand that she protect Diversity, Equity, and Inclusivity (DEI) programs at USF. The protesters marched into the Patel Center, where Law’s office is located, where they were met with repression and violence from USF police.

SDS member Eithne Silva opened the press conference by stating, “We are here on the side of the road because we can’t even go onto our campus anymore because our university repressed us, brutalized us, threw our members on the ground, arrested us, and gave us felonies just because we’re standing up to attacks on diversity, and to DeSantis’s attacks on higher education.”

There were statements of solidarity from student groups at USF, a student government senator, local community organizations, and national organizations such as the National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression, the American Indian Movement, and Anakbayan.

The protesters who were arrested are facing misdemeanor charges for resisting arrest without violence and disrupting a campus and academic function, and a felony charge for battery of a law enforcement officer. At the press conference the students demanded that the charges be dropped, the academic rights of suspended students be restored, and that USF Police Chief Chris Daniel resign.

One of the four arrested, Gia Davila, stated, “We are here to say that we did nothing wrong. We were brutalized by the police for exercising our right to protest and to say no to Ron DeSantis’ racist attacks on education.”

The brutality that the protesters faced on March 6 is an extension of the attacks on higher education that have been implemented by Florida Governor Ron DeSantis. Early this year he cut the diversity office at the New College of Florida, and through recent legislation such as HB 999 DeSantis has urged cuts to “critical race studies,” African American studies, and gender studies at public schools and state universities in Florida.

Lauren Pineiro, a member of SDS who was at the March 6 protest, stated, “This is a fight for DEI, this is a fight for diversity, this is a fight for Black students, for trans students.”

National Students for a Democratic Society has a campaign to defend diversity programs and affirmative action. SDS chapters in Florida have been at the forefront of the fight organizing against DeSantis’s attacks on higher education.

Pineiro ended their statement by saying, “They want to silence us, but we’re going to continue to fight for diversity, we’re going to fight against HB 999, and we’re not going to stop, we’re going to go further until we get these charges dropped.”

#TampaFL #Repression #students

Appleton, WI – On June 29, a group of Fox Valley activists led by members of the Freedom Road Socialist Organization gathered together to demand that Appleton Mayor Jake Woodford take action against the renewed abortion ban in Wisconsin and to hold local police accountable for their response to weekend demonstrations. Others joining FRSO included Food Not Bombs, Appleton Students for a Democratic Society, and a handful of community members, all of whom were present at the rallies since the decision came down on June 24.

During the rallies, demonstrators were harassed by Appleton police, with march leaders and the people with megaphones being targeted for tickets or citations. The participants suffered through projectiles being thrown by passing cars and by individuals from a nearby parking ramp. There were many instances of demonstrators nearly getting hit by aggressive drivers until someone actually was struck by a vehicle. Fellow protesters promptly called emergency services.

Unsurprisingly, the police apprehended the person who’d recorded the attack, a friend of the individual who was struck, charging them with “disorderly conduct with a weapon.” On top of that, the police either ignored or failed to respond in time to a multitude of calls by demonstrators being assaulted by anti-choice passersby. The police repression and inadequate response of the police to protect people from being assaulted prompted the meeting with the mayor.

At the meeting on June 29, Mayor Woodford – a self-described progressive – gave a show of what being a moderate politician looks like, avoiding a straight answer to the demand for an official statement calling on the state legislature to repeal the anti-abortion law. Before things even got started, the mayor took notice of the activists taking photographs and videos and stated, “Just to be clear though, there's sorta camera Jake and Mayor Jake on the camera.” The use of photographs and video for documentation purposes, especially when speaking to a silver-tongued politician is important so there is evidence of what was said and done. The mayor did not seem to appreciate the activists using such mediums to hold him accountable for what was said at the meeting.

While the mayor stated his support for the protesters and those who are affected by the ban, he asked the activists at the meeting “to be realistic.” He also claimed to be unable to provide a statement because the staff in his office normally responsible for this type of work was on maternity leave which struck an odd chord among the activists.

The activists used the meeting to also bring up the issue of police repression, inadequate police response, and the nonsensical Appleton city protest guidelines. The guidelines state that protest organizers are responsible for all violence that occurs, but the violence was instigated by the reactionaries to whom the police largely turned a blind eye. Some demonstrators at the previous rallies were also subject to citations for noise complaints for using a megaphone during the rallies, citations that the police didn’t have enough courage to give in person and had to send through mail.

The mayor and the Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Coordinator Timber Smith, who was also present at the meeting, took to defending the police and describing their response as adequate and as the police doing what they were trained to do. The group reminded Mayor Woodford and Mr. Smith of police ignoring distress calls by the demonstrators, their decision to apprehend the individual whose friend had just been struck by a vehicle, and their general hostility when dealing with demonstrators and organizers.

Despite the conditions, the people of Appleton will not be stopped from demanding their rights. A large rally and march is being planned for July 4. The demands for Mayor Woodford and for police accountability will be raised again, but this time with many more people to echo them. Additional demands for Appleton police to not enforce the abortion ban and for Outagamie County to not prosecute any abortion cases.

The past week's events have been enough of a sign that the police, politicians and judges of this country are not on the side of the millions of working-class and oppressed nationality women and others impacted by the overturning of federal abortion protections. The working class must organize together to put pressure on the ruling and political class to take back our rights. Our rights are not to be asked, bargained, or discussed for, they must be demanded and taken back. We must fight back against the reactionary ruling class because their cruelty knows no boundaries.

#AppletonWI #Repression #abortion

In the first hour of the demonstration, marchers who had trickled in from all directions clustered along the western perimeter of the statehouse along High Street, waving signs and chanting slogans, raising their voices to honor the names of African American martyrs of police violence. Among the fallen named were Tamir Rice, age 12, of Cleveland; Tyre King, 13, and Julius Tate, 16, both of Columbus.

Although the protesters only deployed peaceful tactics, the community was prepared for the possibility of aggression from counter-demonstrators. On street corners, curbs and plazas, organizers and individuals had stationed pallets of water bottles, small food items, and first-aid supplies. Medics made themselves identifiable in the crowd and patrolled at a brisk pace. Legal observers from the Ohio Chapter of the National Lawyers Guild wearing green hats stationed themselves at the outer perimeters of the crowds and stood with pads and pencils.

As the crowd moved to line both sides of High Street, they were met with squadrons of armed policemen, who used bicycles to fence protesters. As the chants continued, the policemen drew canisters of pepper sprays and pulled their pins in order to menace and intimidate the crowd. The presence of legal observers did not deter disproportionate use of force against the demonstrators closest in proximity to the police blockade.

As the clusters along each corner grew in density, the police made examples of some individuals with beatings and the use of pepper spray. In some instances, the crowd was able to recover the battered, but in spite of these efforts, some arrests were made. Although the cops intended to inspire fear by dragging the detained parties into the middle of the intersection where they were most visible, the crowd sent off the handcuffed captives with applause, and did not fall back.

Among the victims were the United States Congresswoman Joyce Beatty, who represents Ohio's Third District; Columbus City Council President Shannon Hardin; and Franklin County Commissioner Kevin Boyce. The assault and pepper-spraying of three Black politicians made news after a video of the incident captured by nbc4i was circulated on national media outlets. Another video showed a portly officer spraying a demonstrator with pepper spray or mace before reaching into the face of the latter and violently tearing his respiratory mask off.

As the demonstration drew into the afternoon, a SWAT team and a squadron of policemen on horseback were dispatched, flanking a large armored vehicle equipped with a Long-Range Acoustic Device (LRAD). The LRAD was used to dispatch a notice to evacuate the downtown area due to an unspecified emergency. At 1:24 p.m., the following Emergency Alert was broadcast via cellular networks: “Columbus Police have declared an emergency in downtown Columbus Ohio, Avoid the area.” The police presence succeeded in splitting the demonstration into a large cluster that mobilized north along High Street and stationed at the intersection of High and 5th Ave nearly two miles north, while the remainder stayed on the grounds of the Statehouse in defiance of the order to disperse. Although this appeared to be a concession, the demonstration at the statehouse only continued to grow, and was restored to its original size by the evening.

At 5:07 p.m., Ohio Governor Mike DeWine tweeted, “I am now calling to service the @OHNationalGuard to help protect the citizens of Ohio. Further, at the request of @MayorGinther and the @ChiefQuinlan, I am ordering the @OSHP to also help enforce the criminal laws in Columbus.” Twitter users responded with incredulity, drawing parallels to the deployment of the Ohio National Guard to the main campus of Kent State University on May 4, 1970. Within the half hour, another Emergency Alert was broadcast, this time, issuing a mandatory citywide curfew between the hours of 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. the following day. In spite of these open threats from the state to disband, demonstrations continued and escalated through the night.

#ColumbusOH #OppressedNationalities #PeoplesStruggles #AfricanAmerican #PoliceBrutality #Repression #Antiracism #JusticeForGeorgeFloyd #MinneapolisUprising

Nine years ago, on September 24, 2010, the FBI raided and subpoenaed Midwest anti-war and international solidarity activists in a bogus attempt to discover “material support of terrorism.” The FBI’s campaign of repression ordered more than 70 FBI agents to raid seven homes and two offices of leading activists in Minneapolis and Chicago. The FBI subpoenaed those raided, and that same morning subpoenaed others in those cities as well as Grand Rapids, Michigan.

Some of those raided were longtime veterans of our movement; some were mothers, some were trade unionists, and some were members of Freedom Road Socialist Organization – but all were targeted for speaking out in solidarity with working and oppressed people, especially in Palestine and Colombia.

On the same day, the FBI also sent agents to intimidate activists in California, North Carolina and Wisconsin.

More subpoenas came in the weeks after, until a total of 23 were summoned. The government threatened to jail anyone who failed to appear before a secretive grand jury in Chicago, but that threat could not break the spirit of those who made up the Anti-War 23. After a ferocious defense campaign that saw a staggering amount of support from all over the world for the activists, none of those targeted by the FBI appeared before any grand juries and none went to prison.

A grand jury is a kangaroo court that is designed so the prosecution gets its desired outcome. Witnesses, even those being compelled to appear, are not allowed an attorney. There is an old saying that a grand jury will indict a ham sandwich. Put another way, it’s a court that allows the rich and powerful to do whatever they want. We see that a grand jury will never indict on police misconduct but will attack anyone the prosecutor tells it to. Instead of giving in, the Anti-War 23 and friends spoke out about the government's attempt to intimidate them because of their ideas and activism. Their voices were heard around the world and caused many to speak out as well.

The government was upset that people were speaking out against injustices in Colombia, Palestine and in other places where people were fighting for liberation. A year later, the government raised the stakes by launching another raid on the home of famous Chicano liberation leader Carlos Montes in Los Angeles. Montes faced trumped-up charges but returned to the streets and continued to speak out and organize. The case against him was defeated.

The government then arrested an icon of the Palestinian liberation movement, Rasmea Odeh. Odeh was a veteran organizer community in Chicago. She was forced to depart the U.S. after an almost four-year legal and political struggle. Rasmea Odeh and her defense campaign put Israel on trial for its crimes and lifted up the cause of Palestinian liberation.

Evidence, including court documents, established that the raids on the Anti-War 23 and the cases of Rasmea Odeh and Carlos Montes were closely linked.

Support for all those targeted continued to grow, and the activists continued to resist and fight the repression. Concentrated repression like this was relatively rare after the 1970s, but we proved that you can fight back and win. It was the outpouring of support and the principled stand of those targeted not to appear before any grand juries that helped carry the day. Trade unions, student groups, community organizations and a broad solidarity network capable of organizing protests in over 100 cities around the world sent a clear message that we will not be intimidated.

As a whole, the enemy's attack was defeated and ongoing attempts to silence our movements continue to be held back. Our movements remain vigilant and understand that these attacks are not over, and our solidarity with one another grows stronger everyday.

Activists from all over, including many who directly faced the raids nine years ago, are planning to attend an important conference this fall. On November 22-24, they will attend a conference to refound the National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression in Chicago. The NAARPR is an important organization that has led many critical struggles over the past 46 years, including struggles similar to the defense of the Anti-War 23 and their friends. Important organizers like Angela Davis and Frank Chapman will be there to help lead the conference. Activists from around the United States will plan ways to build the fight against police crimes, for community control of the police, to build the fight for the wrongfully incarcerated, and to support those who resist state repression like the Anti-War 23. Everyone who wants to stand up for justice and build these fights should register online at https://conference.naarpr.org/ and attend the NAARPR conference in Chicago.

The battle for justice is far from over, and this event is a step on the road towards liberation.

#ChicagoIL #FBI #Repression #CommitteeToStopFBIRepression #AntiWar23 #PoliticalRepression

Many suspect Duque is a puppet of Uribe and will carry out the plan of undermining the Peace Process.

The murders, claims the Colombian Inspector General, are being coordinated with local and national levels of the armed forces and police of Colombia. Though the defense minister denies this, clearly these killings are not random, they are targeted. It can be assumed that the paramilitaries who carried out the dirty work of Uribe ten years ago feel emboldened by the election of Duque. The Inspector General connects the geography of many of the killings to land disputes stemming from the return of land to campesinos who had it stolen by large, private landowners during the war against the FARC. The transfer of land is one of the central tenets of the signed Peace Accord between the government and the FARC.

In addition to the failure to provide security for social movement leaders, the Colombian government has failed to ensure the safety of FARC leader Jesus Santrich. In April, the U.S. government used the DEA to cook up drug sale allegations against Santrich. They were going to extradite him until he went on hunger strike and the FARC demanded that the Special Judicial Court, created by the Peace Process, override the U.S. So far, this has succeeded in keeping Santrich in Colombia. But, since the Colombian government is not taking the proper steps to push the U.S. to drop their bogus charges, FARC leader Ivan Marquez will not be taking his seat in the Colombian senate. His protest clearly marks a challenge of departing President Santos and the rest of the Colombian government.

In response to the escalating levels of political killings against the left in Colombia, an International Day of Action has been called for August 7, the day Duque takes office.

Various groups including the Observatorio de los Derechos Humanos del Pueblo (People’s Human Rights Observatory), The Coordinadora Americana por los Derechos de los Pueblos (Americas Coordination for the People's Rights), Alliance for Global Justice (AfGJ), School of the Americas Watch, and Camino Común (Common Path) are calling for August 7 to be an International Day for Peace in Colombia and against State and Paramilitary Terror. There are also calls that have been issued in Colombia for national mobilizations on that day.

#TucsonAZ #Tucson #AntiwarMovement #Colombia #Americas #PeoplesStruggles #FARC #Repression #Antiracism #PoliticalRepression #Duque

After close to an hour-long deposition, Assistant U.S. Attorney Jonathan Tukel withdrew his motion to challenge the bond to be posted for Rasmea’s release. Special Assistant U.S. Attorney Mark Jebson led the questioning, asking whether the anonymous donor of the bond is actually a friend or only a political supporter, as well as challenging the donor’s views on Israeli military courts, the decisions of Judge Drain in the case, and the treatment of Palestinians by U.S. federal courts.

William Goodman, one of Rasmea’s defense attorneys, objected to all of these political questions as irrelevant to the proceedings. In addition, Jebson asked repeated questions implying that the Rasmea Defense Committee was raising money to be used to reimburse the donor.

At the end of the deposition, Tukel and Jebson retired to another room and returned 10 minutes later to report to Goodman that they would no longer be objecting to the bond, which will be posted tomorrow morning in the same courthouse where Rasmea was convicted a little over a month ago.

We are hopeful that Rasmea will be released a few hours after the bond is paid, and immediately return to her family and friends in Chicago.

We described Tukel’s legal maneuvering earlier today, and are pleased that Rasmea will be released, but also angered at the continued injustices of the U.S. Attorney’s motions. “Tukel and Jebson forced Rasmea to stay in jail for over a month, including the past two weeks in solitary confinement,” said Hatem Abudayyeh, spokesperson for the defense committee. “Their actions are nothing but punitive in nature and their questioning of the donor clearly affirms that their politics and ideology, not the law, govern their work.”

Keep updated at uspcn.org and stopfbi.net.

#DetroitMI #Palestine #Israel #Repression #PoliticalRepression #RasmeaOdeh #StopFBI

An amendment that would have eliminated the right to bail for people accused of certain types of crimes was defeated by 55%-45%, and an amendment to reduce the size of Puerto Rico’s government was defeated by a vote of 54%-46%.

Leading up to the August 19 vote, the mass media’s polls indicated that the two referendums were likely to pass. Alejandro García Padilla of the Popular Democratic Party, who is running against Fortuño for governor in November, also campaigned for a 'yes' vote on the amendments. But a strong grassroots movement was built urging a no vote as a vote to protect people’s basic rights.

The amendment that would have eliminated the ability of people accused of certain crimes to have the right to bail was pitched as a conservative ‘tough on crime’ measure, but its rejection indicates that Puerto Ricans saw it as connected to the recently-passed penal code reforms that were also spun as ‘tough on crime’ measures but were aimed clearly at restricting people’s rights, such as the right to protest and disagree with the government. The other defeated amendment would have reduced the size of Puerto Rico’s legislature, another cause championed by Governor Fortuño.

#PuertoRico #Repression #2012RepublicanNationalConvention #LuisFortuño

The new law includes restrictions on freedom of assembly and expression that criminalize many forms of protest. The law criminalizes, with a mandatory 3 year jail sentence, any protest that might “perturb, interrupt or impede” politicians, or “any disorder” around them. The law also prohibits protests in schools, universities and health institutions that “obstruct the providing of services or access.” This is clearly targeted at criminalizing anything like the 2010 student strike at the University of Puerto Rico or actions to defend public services that are threatened by budget cuts and austerity. Violations of this law mean 6 months in jail and/or a $5000 fine.

Puerto Rican Governor Fortuño is with the New Progressive Party (PNP) of Puerto Rico. Since Puerto Rico is a colony (“commonwealth”) of the U.S., politicians there can also be affiliated with U.S. parties; Fortuño is also a member of the U.S.’s Republican Party and a member of the Republican National Committee, the leadership body of the Republican Party. He will be a featured speaker at the Republican National Convention in Tampa, Florida in late August along with other controversial right wing politicians such as Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker. There will be large protests outside the Republican National Convention, centered by a mass march on August 27.

#PuertoRico #InJusticeSystem #RacismInTheCriminalJusticeSystem #civilLiberties #Repression #ACLU #antiimperialism #colonialism #LuisFortuño

On June 30 the Puerto Rican legislature approved a new Penal Code that includes sharp restrictions on a broad range of civil liberties and rights. Supporters of civil liberties refer to it as essentially a ‘wish list’ of many regressive laws the right wing has dreamed of passing. It now awaits either the approval or veto of Puerto Rican Governor Luis Fortuño, who is from the New Progressive Party (PNP) of Puerto Rico, and is also a member of the U.S.’s Republican Party.

The new changes to the penal code include restrictions on freedom of assembly and expression that would criminalize many forms of protest. The law would criminalize, with a mandatory three-year jail sentence, any protest that might “perturb, interrupt or impede” politicians, or “any disorder” around them. The law would also prohibit protests that “obstruct the providing of services or access” at schools, universities and health institutions. This is clearly targeted at criminalizing anything like the recent university student strikes or actions to defend public services that are threatened by budget cuts and austerity. Violations of this law would mean six months in jail and/or a $5000 fine.

The bill includes severe restrictions and criminalization of abortion (currently legal under Puerto Rican and U.S. law). The new penal code would also create lengthy mandatory minimum sentences for a range of crimes. There is a separate (but politically related) constitutional referendum that will be voted on, which would remove the right to bail for people accused of some crimes.

Many of these measures have been proposed before and failed, and the constitutionality of some of them is questionable. There is a concern expressed by opponents of the bill that this is just the first step and the government would then attempt to restrict other rights such as the right to strike. Strikes in Puerto Rico in recent years have been militant and effective at fighting austerity. More austerity is expected in the coming period.

Puerto Rico’s status as a colony (‘commonwealth’) of the U.S. means that Puerto Rico is subject to the U.S.’s federal laws and courts in addition to Puerto Rico’s own laws. Some of the provisions in this new bill could be found unconstitutional under U.S. and Puerto Rican law, but the legislature seems intent on pushing the limits to try to criminalize a broad range of actions. These changes to the Puerto Rican penal code come in a context of sharpening repression in the United States as well, and many of the parts of this law appear to be models for deepening repressive laws in the U.S.

#PuertoRico #RacismInTheCriminalJusticeSystem #civilLiberties #Repression #antiimperialism #colonialism #abortion #PoliticalRepression

New York, NY – March 17 was the sixth-month anniversary of Occupy Wall Street. In the late evening, a crowd of hundreds gathered in historic Zuccotti Park, now dubbed Liberty Plaza. Many organizers and progressive forces attending the annual Left Forum at Pace University, very close to the park, joined OWS activists.

The youth gathered in the park for hours, playing drums and refusing to leave. The crowd gradually swelled as the evening went on. A small contingent of youth from Workers World Party circled the square chanting, “Just like Ho Chi Minh! Occupy is gonna win!” Others joined in this anti-imperialist chant.

Michael Moore and Cornel West, who had addressed the Left Forum earlier in the evening, joined the crowd and gave words of support.

When the New York Police Department announced that the park was closed, several hundred youth sat down together, joining arms. They insisted on their right to stay there, citing a recent court ruling that required the park to remain open. When the police refused to listen, they chanted, “We are not afraid.”

Police pulled protesters out of the crowd and handcuffed them. They swung batons and pushed people to the ground. The media reported that police actions injured several people. These included shoving a woman’s head against the hood of a car and pushing a man’s head into a plateglass window. Another woman suffered a seizure because of a forceful arrest, and then police denied her help from OWS emergency medical technicians. It took loud protests from the crowd to get an ambulance to the scene.

A youth who witnessed the police attack told Workers World, “All I could see was batons high in the air, coming down on people.” Some of the 73 people who were arrested reported being held, handcuffed and left on city buses for hours, before finally being taken to holding cells.

A march was called the following evening in support of the arrestees. At the closing panel of the Left Forum, speakers urged the audience to attend the march and support the arrested youth.

#NewYorkNY #PoliceBrutality #MichaelMoore #Repression #OccupyWallStreet #ZuccottiPark #LeftForum #NYPD #CornelWest #LibertyPlaza

Support Carlos Montes as he goes to court Friday, August 12

Call:

• President Barak Obama at 202-456-1111
• Attorney General Eric Holder at 202-514-2001

Sample call: “My name is ________ and I am calling from [city, state]. I’m calling about Carlos Montes of Los Angeles. He is one of the anti-war activists being targeted by the FBI. I want you to tell Attorney General Holder [or President Obama]:

1. Drop the charges against Carlos Montes!
2. Stop the FBI and the Grand Jury repression of the other 23 anti-war and international solidarity activists.
3. Return all property to Carlos Montes and the other activists raided by the FBI. The U.S. government should not be prosecuting us when we exercise our rights to freedom of speech and dissent.”

On Friday, August 12, Carlos Montes will appear in a Los Angeles court again, for a preliminary hearing. At his last court date on July 6, Carlos pled “Not guilty!” to six charges, including a felony charge each for a firearm and ammunition, and four related to the permits’ paperwork. Like millions of Americans, Carlos has for many years held legal permits. So why is it that all of a sudden the government is saying there is a problem? These charges are a pretext to attack Carlos for his years of activism.

Please join us in calling U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder and President Obama, demanding a stop to the prosecution of Carlos Montes. We need to stop the persecution of political activists like Carlos, like the 23 Midwest anti-war and international solidarity activists, people like you and me.

Make no mistake; the U.S. government’s trial of Carlos Montes is an attack on the immigrants’ rights and anti-war movements. So please call today and let Holder and Obama know we are building a movement that will not bow down to dirty tricks and political repression.

In addition, the Los Angeles Committee to Stop FBI Repression is mobilizing to pack the courtroom 8:30 a.m. on Friday, August 12, in Department 100 at the Criminal Courts Building, 210 W. Temple Street, Los Angeles, when Carlos Montes appears.

About Carlos Montes:

Carlos Montes is a veteran Chicano activist known for his leadership of the 1968 East Los Angeles education reform movement (see film Walkout), the historic Chicano Moratorium against the U.S. war in Vietnam, and the recent immigrants’ rights mega-marches of 2006. Carlos Montes was a co-founder of the Brown Berets, a Chicano youth organization that stood for justice, equality, and self-determination.

With the 2003 Bush administration war and occupation of Iraq, Montes helped form and lead L.A. Latinos Against War. In recent years, Carlos helped initiate and organize the Southern California Immigration Coalition, to fight against Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and police repression.

About this case:

Now Montes himself is the target of government repression and the FBI’s dirty tricks. When the FBI raided several Midwest homes and served subpoenas on September 24, 2010, Carlos Montes’ name was listed on the FBI search warrant for the Anti-War Committee office in Minneapolis—the organizing center for the 2008 Republican National Convention protests, where Carlos participated.

Then on May 17, 2011, the LA Sheriffs broke down Carlos’ door, arrested him, and ransacked his home. They took political documents, a computer, cell phones and meeting notes having nothing to do with the charges. The FBI attempted to question Montes while he was handcuffed in a squad car, regarding the case of the 23 Midwest anti-war and solidarity activists.

On June 16, 2011, Carlos appeared in court and obtained the arrest documents showing the FBI initiated the raid. A reporter interviewing a Los Angeles Sheriff sergeant confirmed that the FBI was in charge. Carlos Montes is facing six felony charges with the possibility of 18 years in prison due to his political organizing. Carlos Montes case is part and parcel of the FBI raids and political repression centered in the Midwest. We need you to take action against this repression.

You can also invite Carlos Montes to speak using a live Internet video call. It is easy to do and works well. More details on the video calls coming next week.

Please sign the petition for Carlos Montes on the International Action Center website.

Visit www.StopFBI.net or write StopFBI@gmail.com or call 612-379-3585.

#LosAngelesCA #InJusticeSystem #ChicanoLatino #RacismInTheCriminalJusticeSystem #CarlosMontes #Repression #CommitteeToStopFBIRepression

San Salvador, El Salvador – El 30 de julio marcharon mas de 2,000 personas para conmemorar el 36 aniversario de un masacre de estudiantes salvadoreños el 30 de julio 1975. La marcha salió de la Universidad de El Salvador (UES) y marchó hacia el puente donde en 1975 los cuerpos de seguridad y del ejército reprimieron una manifestación pacifica en que los estudiantes marcharon para exigir sus derechos y defender la UES que en este tiempo sufrió represión constante de las fuerzas militares y policiales.

Este día se conmemoró la masacre estudiantil, hecho que conmocionó al país, esta histórica marcha tuvo como escenario la protesta de los universitarios por la intervención estatal del régimen militar de esa época, ocurrido el 25 de julio. Reinvindicaban el talante histórico de la única universidad estatal de El Salvador, fundada en 1841, que históricamente y actualmente es uno de las bases mas fuertes de la lucha popular en el país.

La marcha se llenó del colorido de las varias agremiaciones estudiantiles, organizaciones civiles y sindicatos que acompañaron la marcha entonando el grito de guerra del estudiante universitario: “Esta es la U!” Dichas agremiaciones portaban mantas que reclamaban justicia para todas y todos los caídos y se compremetían a seguir con la lucha.

La marcha se distinguió por la fuerte presencia de organizaciones estudiantiles revolucionarias y comunistas, como el Movimiento Guevarista – 8 de Octubre, la Brigada Revolucionaria Estudiantil Salvadorena (BRES), Frente Universitario Roque Dalton (FURD), Universitarios Estudiantes Revolucionarios Salvadorenos – 30 de julio (UERS), Union de Jovenes Revolucionarias Marxistas (UJRM), Brigada Revolucionaria Estudiantil Anastasio Aquino (BREA), FES-Jorge Arias Gómez, FREUS, MOTUES, PSOCA, BASES, entre otros. La Juventud del FMLN también se sumó a la celebración.

Al llegar al puente donde ocurrió la masacre los estudiantes realizaron una recreación simulada de los sangrientes hechos.

Esta tarde también el equipo de fútbol de la Universidad de El Salvador que milita en la Primera División Salvadoreña juǵo en la Ciudad Universitaria y el once rojo saltó a la cancha cargando una pancarta conmemorativa a la masacre estudiantil del 30 de julio de 1975, un hecho que arrancó los aplausos de la Furia Escarlata y todos los presentes.

Este día culminó con una concurrida vigilia celebrada en el Polideportivo de la Universidad de El Salvador nombrado también Héroes y Mártires del 30 de Julio de 1975, donde varios grupos musicales como Los Torogoces de Morazán, Los Norteñitos entre otros deleitaron a los presentes.

#SanSalvadorElSalvador #SanSalvador #StudentMovement #ElSalvador #Repression #MovimientoEstudiantilChicanoDeAztlánMEChA #30DeJulio #UES #UniversidadDeElSalvador #UniversityOfElSalvador #Americas

San Salvador, El Salvador – On July 30 more than 2000 people marched here to commemorate the 36th anniversary of a massacre of Salvadoran students on July 30, 1975. The march started at the University of El Salvador (UES) and marched to the bridge where in 1975 the security forces and military violently repressed a peaceful protest where students were marching to demand their rights and to defend the UES. At that time the UES suffered from constant repression from the military and police.

The July 30, 1975 massacre of students caused huge reverberations around the country. The 1975 student protest was in response to the military taking over the UES campus on July 25, 1975. The students demanded that the military stay out of the only public state university in El Salvador, founded in 1841, which is also one of the strongest bases of the popular movement in the country.

The commemoration march this year was filled with the banners and colors of many student organizations, popular organizations and unions that accompanied the march with the main university student chant: “This is the U!” The organizations carried banners and signs demanding justice for all that died and vowing to continue their struggle.

The march was notable for the strong presence of revolutionary and communist student organizations, such as the Guevarist Movement – October 8, The Salvadoran Revolutionary Student Brigade (BRES), Roque Dalton University Front (FURD), Revolutionary Salvadoran University Students – July 30 (UERS-30), Union of Revolutionary Marxist Youth (UJRM), Revolutionary Student Brigade – Anastasio Aquino (BREA), FES-Jorge Arias Gómez, FREUS, MOTUES, PSOCA, BASES, among others. The FMLN Youth also had a large presence.

When the commemorative march arrived at the bridge where the student massacre happened in 1975, students recreated a simulation of the bloody massacre.

In the evening, the University of El Salvador soccer team, which plays in the First Division, played on campus. The players on UES’s team took the field carrying a banner commemorating the 1975 student massacre. This brought strong applause from the UES Furia Escarlata fan section and all those present.

The day ended with a vigil celebrated in the Polideportive Center in the University of El Salvador, which is also named after the heroes and martyrs of July 30, 1975. At the vigil various leftist popular musicians played such as Los Torogoces de Morazán, Los Norteñitos and others.

#SanSalvadorElSalvador #SanSalvador #StudentMovement #ElSalvador #Repression #MovimientoEstudiantilChicanoDeAztlánMEChA #30DeJulio #UES #UniversidadDeElSalvador #UniversityOfElSalvador #Americas

The U.S. government is stepping up its surveillance and harassment of U.S. activists in an attempt to intimidate them and dampen their spirits for the change we believe in. International solidarity activist James Jordan was returning from a two week trip to Haiti, on Jan. 7, five days prior to the terrible earthquake disaster. When his flight touched down in Fort Lauderdale, Florida, flight attendants called out for “James Patrick Jordan” and asked him to come to the front of the airplane. Homeland Security came on board the airplane to escort him off.

Jordan said, “The agents put me up against a wall, kicked my legs apart and frisked me. They took me to a detention area, then a back room where two agents began going through all my papers, my cell phone and camera, all my bags, looking for Lord knows what?” Homeland Security was most interested in his notebooks concerning Haiti and Colombia.

The Haitian groups James met with organize against the grinding poverty, support workers’ rights and work to improve health care for the masses. Now hundreds of thousands of Haitians are dead in the earthquake and more will die due to poverty and lack of doctors and medicines. The U.S. government is responsible for the dire conditions in Haiti, holding the people down and suppressing any progressive change. In 2004, the U.S. military kidnapped President Aristide and overthrew his government. Aristide had disbanded the Haitian army a few years earlier to prevent a U.S.-backed military coup. President Aristide, a former Catholic priest, was making mild reforms to help the people of Haiti, but U.S. companies wanted privatization of the electric system and other services.

The Latin American Solidarity Coalition (LASC) in the U.S. sponsored Jordan’s delegation, and his Colombia work was the focus of the interrogation. Jordan said, “I told them that two of us were in Haiti representing the Alliance for Global Justice [AFGJ] and that, specifically, I worked with the Campaign for Labor Rights, a part of AFGJ. And I explained that AFGJ was part of LASC. They asked about Chuck Kaufman and what kind of work he did. They wanted to know his flight information and I told them I didn’t know what it was. They asked me about the other delegates and I told them that I didn’t know their flight information and that I didn’t feel comfortable giving them names and other information about those delegates and they ceased questioning about them.”

Chuck Kaufman, also on his way home from Haiti, was detained and questioned in New York City. Chuck said, “I told them I was in Haiti. They asked what other countries I've visited and what I did there. I described a trip to Hiroshima, Japan and swimming with nurse sharks in Belize. They dropped the subject.” Chuck was held for a couple of hours and missed his connecting flight, forcing him to spend the night in New York.

James Jordan continues, “They were very interested in the folder I had about the terrible situation with the Colombian prisons, political prisoners and human rights violations. I am working on a project to advocate for better conditions at La Tramacua prison in Valledupar, Colombia – a prison that is very overcrowded, rife with violence and intimidation aimed at the political prisoners and imprisoned guerrillas, where inmates do not have access to sanitary toilet facilities and have access to drinkable water only ten minutes a day. There was also information about the relationship of the U.S. Bureau of Prisons in funding, advising and restructuring this and other maximum-security prisons in Colombia. We are calling for an investigation of the U.S. Bureau of Prisons’ relationship with these prisons and what responsibility it bears for the conditions that exist there. Everyone hears about the White House closing Guantanamo, but the U.S. government is overseeing terrible things in Colombian prisons.”

Jordan emphasized, “There was a flier for my speaking at the School of the Americas protest this [past] year that featured a picture of Lily Obando. Lily Obando is a political prisoner we support and campaign for. The agents asked about Lily Obando, if she was part of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia [FARC] or accused of being part of the FARC. I told them Lily is so accused, but the evidence against her is not credible. They seemed especially interested in notes I had taken from a Counter Punch article concerning the Valledupar prison in Colombia and the targeting of FARC members held as prisoners of war. I tell you the U.S. government is up to no good there.”

Lily Obando is internationally known for her recent report exposing the death squad murders of 1500 farm organizers and union members with FENSUAGRO. Obando is one of 7000 political prisoners and prisoners of war. Many are trade unionists, peasant organizers and community leaders; some are FARC and ELN guerrilla fighters, held by the Colombian government, many without trial.

There is a massive movement against the wealthy elite, including narco-traffickers, that rule Colombia. The U.S. government funds the notoriously corrupt Colombian military, giving it nearly $7 billion in the last ten years. The White House announced it is occupying seven military bases inside Colombia. This will expand the U.S. war in Colombia and threaten neighboring countries like Venezuela and Ecuador. Pentagon generals and the U.S. Southern Command direct the war that brings poverty, misery and death squads to the lives of Colombian peasants and workers. The U.S. Congress funds and covers for the most reactionary, corrupt and unsavory elements of the Colombian elite.

James Jordan, though a seasoned activist, said, “Certainly the process was intrusive, uncalled for and intimidating. I was unsure of what my rights were when they took me off the plane. I did not know if I should answer their questions or ask for a lawyer?”

Bruce Nestor, of Minneapolis, Minnesota and past President of the National Lawyers Guild, advises, “Homeland Security asserts an unprecedented right to search people’s papers and even the entire contents of their computers, when they cross the border back into the United States. In addition to treading upon constitutional rights to privacy and against unreasonable searches, much of this activity appears to be intelligence gathering directed at political activists traveling to countries which are actively challenging United States foreign policy. People need to know and assert their rights, to refuse to answer unwarranted questions and refuse consent to search of personal papers and electronics.”

We have heard from a number of activists and their families that they have been detained when returning from holiday trips abroad. The line of questioning is similar to the case of James Jordon where they are asked of political history regardless of the purpose of the trips the activists were taking. U.S. agents made insinuations and demanded answers that had nothing to do with the trips that these people were taking. It is clear the U.S. government is stepping up its harassment and repression of people organizing for fundamental social change.

#UnitedStates #AntiwarMovement #Colombia #Haiti #LatinAmericanSolidarityCoalition #AllianceForGlobalJustice #Repression